微商提现软文范例:反思-确定高翻需要什么样的人，它考什么能力，什么知识，你缺的是什么，要提高什么。

不经常上网，总觉得在网上浪费时间，所以潜水大半年，今天才肯写点东西。

最近的感触是，做任何事情都是要讲究体系的，目标，节奏，阶段，环境保证，评价标准，反思，道路调整一个都不能少。想了好久要不要把自己考试的经历放到网上，曾经是为最要好的一位朋友写的，因为她最终放弃了，总觉得我的这段文字留着可惜，放在这里也许会有人收益。这是我准备北外高翻的一些体会，也是我成长的一点记录，在这里我的跟头栽得最惨，不得不深刻反思自己的问题。我们这个时代，狂妄，自我膨胀是常态，人们盲目自信，盲目崇拜不按常规出牌的牛人，瞽智眼于昏衢，匍匐九居之外， 这是很危险的。我因为摔倒了，撞的头破血流，才被迫明白，规律是不能速成的，如果这篇文章的读者能够多一点清醒和反思，那就是万幸了。

首先，要确定高翻需要什么样的人，它考什么能力，什么知识，你缺的是什么，要提高什么。 

第二，怎样提高 

第三，怎样检验，调整方向

具体来说，真题是准绳，一共有四科，我们分别来看：

高级翻译（4篇笔译）

第一步，态度问题。

你要认识到，你的翻译并没有入门（注意，我说的是入门，不是高级阶段）。我开始以为，翻译只要把意思说出来就好了，翻得很随意，自我感觉良好，但效果很差，分数更差。 我第二年没上也是因为对轻视笔译，以为没什么好练的。态度是致命伤，如果你态度上不认为自己有什么好提高的，你就真的无论如何都提高不了了。高翻的备考之路我走得一波三折，从第一年的轻狂到第二年的偏激，再到最后碰得头破血流才回过神儿来，分析自己的弱点，问题，在晓光的指导下开始制定计划，做模拟考试，总结，分析，一路上跌跌撞撞，很苦，很难。

我说这个不是想吓唬你，我是希望你头脑清醒，做好分析计划，下定决心，付出行动，认真对待。 

好，解决了态度问题之后，我们来看具体的操作。

先说高翻的参考书，叶子南的《高级英汉翻译理论与实践》，庄译传的《英汉翻译简明教程》， 《中式英语之鉴》， 《非文学翻译》。 

为什么要看参考书？ 这些书有什么用？我有没有提高？ 能不能体现在分数上？如果走得偏了，如何发现，如何调整？  

（我问的这些问题你在读书的过程中也要反复询问，反复思考） 

第二步，翻译入门，打基础（2-3个月）

英译汉：

总得来说，参考书解决的是一个入门的问题。我在上文中强调，态度最重要，你要意识到自己没入门，光这样说是空泛的，检测一下才有直观的感受。你在一切复习开始之前，自己翻译一篇文章： preface to culture of narcissism 叶子南的第一篇，对照原文，你就会看到差距。 你必须要按照书中的标准要求自己，因为你的对手相当强大，虽然高翻真题看起来不难，但是高手能答135，而普通人能上110就不错了，它是真正考能力的，所以你必须从有难度的练习开始。  

高翻的三本参考书中叶子南是英译汉的重点，每一篇都要按时间翻（1.5H），仔细研读译文，它有不同版本的译文，要写翻译笔记，（注意，不是语言笔记，而是翻译笔记），总结你为什么翻的和他不一样，那个好，什么原因，是太过拘泥原文，还是根本就没看懂。为什么理解会后偏差，为什么表达得不到位，是语义没传达出来，还是感情色彩，文化层面的东西没翻出来，或翻得不尽如人意。翻译笔记要做得细致，到位，分析要合理，有理有据。单独准备个本子，定期去看，思考，调整，以便提高。

另外我推荐一本书，对我的启发很大：《英汉翻译技能指引》 刘宓庆 中国对外翻译出版公司。 这本书的理论部分非常重要，但需要静下心来琢磨。但看看目录你就知道它有多重要了：

“练好翻译基本功，对英语的理解力，汉语的表达力，扩大大知识领域，加强思维逻辑训练，注意研究学习方法， 循序渐进，遵循科学的翻译程序， 学习理论，培养技能意识， 学会使用工具书， 用欣畅的汉语翻译外文——兼论翻译审美，“欣畅三原则”， 译文审美要求，技能和技巧，小处着手， 译文操空的理论与实践，启发性点评练习”

张培基的《英汉翻译教程》可以做辅助。庄绛传的内容比较老，挑着看看就好。 

汉译英：

《中式英语之鉴》你现在看是一种理解，你做了一些英译训练之后再看又是一种理解。它是一种指导性，原则性的书，它指出翻译常见的问题，这样的问题初学翻译的人容易犯，高级翻译也无法完全避免。如何从汉语中跳出来，得意忘言，把意思转成流畅地道的英文，这是需要不断探索的事情。 

《非文学翻译》的作者李长栓是高翻老师，讲的例子比较实用。 适合刚开始时看。

你看看高翻的真题，看它的题型，考什么样的类型的文章，怎样把握方向。这非常重要。

参考书目中没有合适的英译训练的书，

我借鉴以前高翻考第一的女生的经验，看了外文出版社的《英语笔译实务3级》教材配套训练，黄源深编的。 这本书的汉译英非常符合高翻的题材，讲得也很到位。

上海交通大学的中级口译和高级口译翻译300题两本书篇幅短小，题材和难度都很合适，我练了里面的汉译英。 

外研社的全国外语翻译三级笔译也可以，比较简单。 

《新编汉英对比与翻译》 刘宓庆 中国对外翻译出版公司 (2006-04出版)

这本书我在图书馆找到的，做了全书的笔记。它和英译汉那本一样，理论指导性较强，适合入门时候看。它能帮你把关，免了很多弯路。《非文学翻译》看完再看它，很难。 

另外，星光网站上的经验比较散乱，不成体系，你可以看看，但不要偏激，有些人认识不到位，或者没怎么准备，靠运气上去了，但你一定要按正规路子走，如果觉得那个经验上的书或方法好，想用，先到我这儿来验证，尽量让你少走弯路。 

第三步，强化训练和模拟考试（重点，5-7个月）

这时候就要看真题了。 每周考一次，从2001年开始做，要严格按照考试时间做，体验难度，时间压力，心理压力。这个其实是最难的，因为你从来都没经历这种高强度的翻译考试，抵触情绪也是很正常的。You have to constantly put your ability to test. 始终处于一种应考的状态。 人是有惰性的，你我也是如此，大家都喜欢呆在自己的comfort zone里面，不愿意面对自己的缺点，毛病，喜欢躲避，只喜欢表现自己的优势，而备考就是要反其道而行之，尽全力暴露自己的问题，给自己找病，病找得越准，之后的路就走得越顺，还要给自己开药方，思考这么整能不能行，有没有用，再去考试，去检验，去发现问题，去思考，整个过程环环相扣，不得偏废，少了一步都不行。

对模拟考试（历年真题）作用的认识

真题是最有指导意义的。（再次提醒，一定要每周考试，严格按时间走，以考试的心态尽力发挥，不能有丝毫胡弄）

1. 你通过考试检验备考的水平，调整备考的方向，发现问题，分析问题，解决问题，要记笔记，记录你的分析过程，整理思绪，我们都有逻辑不清的毛病，需要落实到笔头。 

2. 要提醒的是，我们容易忽略考试节奏，时间压力及碰到困难时如何应变的问题。考试的状态和心理调整是十分重要的， 因为高翻有小分限制，专业课必须过115，实际上总分要求更高。这就要求你在3个小时内翻4篇文章，速度和准确性都很重要，太快了翻不好，翻好了就得琢磨，浪费时间，这个平衡是你在不断的反复的训练之中把握的。 

还有临场发挥的好坏，是可以控制的。在高水平的考试中，临场发挥通常要占30%的成绩，通常我们忽视它的作用，这给自己的考试增加了许多风险。通过真题模拟考试，你可以发现在临场考试中存在的问题，才能保证和提高实际考试的分数。

2001-2009年真题加上08，09的复语同传卷子共11套，（2002-2008年的题有答案），可以考11周。 中间可以穿插人事部二级真题，模拟题，全国外语《英语翻译二级笔译》真题19 套（外研社的，北外教授陈德彰的，有北外出题风格，非常有用，尤其是汉译英。要按时间做。这本书我都一一考完了，效果很好。）

3. 在第二个阶段中我介绍的书目在这个阶段也有看，但是要以你的考试效果为准绳，发现自己哪方面有问题，调整方向，你自己看什么样的材料更有针对性，自己做计划，每周做五天的安排，一天考试，一天总结。 

第四步，冲刺阶段（12月份）

真题做第二遍，总结复习。掌握时间，节奏。

最好找一个人监督你

综合英语

看真题，阅读，翻译和作文。 

和笔译相通的方法我就不重复了，提醒一点，要端正态度做计划，要常看经济学家，锻炼阅读速度和准确性，阅读是要理解文章构架。写作很重要，50分，今年考的是green house gases，看似简单，但发挥起来没有上限，有人写了200字， 有人写了4页纸。之前我看了经济学家关于气候变化大会的文章，写得还算有理有据。 

下面是我用过的材料，仅供参考

经济学家，重点是学习写作，而非记忆生词。

专八阅读真题（很难，保证错误在5个以内更难）真题质量非常高，可以在后期做阅读训练

SAT 真题

GMAT 真题

GRE 真题

全国各大高校英语专业基础英语真题 

法语

我不担心你学不懂，我担心你轻敌。法语达到80以上很难，要求你的复习精益求精。

1. 基础阶段： 2个月

大学法语看完之后，孙辉的《简明法语教程》上下册一定要看，系统做笔记，整理语法。

专业课《法语》2，3 做配合，课文每一篇都要看中文译文翻成法语，反复训练，力求精准，直到一字不错。 

2. 做题。 

北外真题

《考研法语必备》《法语语法800题》《法语词汇800题》 记笔记 

《简明法语教程》《大学法语》课后翻译题集中做，集中纠错

政治

材料和老师占绝对性的因素，学生都很勤奋，但是如果指导思想错了，盲目押题，盲目背诵，就会全盘皆输。政治是有答题方法的，而且方法和思路比知识还重要。 

市面上的辅导班：海文，海天，海大，文都，导航，领先等等都属于地方性的，没有权威。他们鼓吹的是知识的记诵，和老师的押题，这本身和政治考试方向是相抵触的。你去做一下历年真题，怎么答都是五六十分，就算你把所有东西都记住了，该错的一样错。尤其是多项选择题，想对一半都不容易。要对错误的选项下功夫认真分析，是知识的原因，还是对考题理解的偏差，我的多选出错大部分是考题理解的偏差，而不是知识，这是我考完以后才认识到的。

这就需要观念的转变，你要提高的是解题的能力，不单单是知识。 

强烈推荐启航的材料：

红宝书（必备）

历年真题 （要模拟考试的，大纲改了也有价值）

提醒： 任汝芬的书千万不要买，指导思想有问题

启航:考研思想政治海选精编习题(最新大纲)  讲解到位，有难度，量不大

启航·考研思想政治大串讲 最后30天复习用

启航考研政治20天20题  大题押题，有相应网络课程，讲得很好

启航·2010考研冲刺最后五套题(思想政治)   模拟题，也赠送网络课程 

下面是几篇作文习作，希望指正

Is national security an outdated concept?

Openness and isolation have been the main theme of international politics since the appearance of sovereign states in the 18^th century. Since then, numerous decisions made by politicians have been centering on the choice between nationalism and globalization. More often than not, countries need both, to ensure national security and gain economic interest. Some knew how to balance the scale; some others, however, went too far or simply got lost.

The charm of globalization is irresistible. Thomas Friedman, the author of The World Is Flat, ardently wrote in his book that with the internet bulldozing barriers across the world, the playground is being leveled. “Individuals from every corner of the flat world are being empowered. Globalization 3.0 makes it possible for so many more people to plug and play, and you are going to see every color of the human rainbow take part.”

The weakening states

The world of harmony beautifully depicted by Mr. Friedman, as enticing as it is, is not the truth. The economic bliss globalization promised to nations comes along with the erosion of the states’ sovereignty. This is shown in three aspects: the emergence of international institutions and NGOs, the global nature of economic and cultural activities, and the vagueness in the traditional distinction between domestic and international affairs.

The emergence of global economy, with its vast mobility of goods and people, inevitably bring about conflicts, fights, and chaos. Trade wars, sanctions, and discriminations arouse anger, hatred and resentment all over the world. Latin Americans refuse to be the backyard of the United States; Western Europeans hate the Poles, Hungarians and Bulgarians who take over their jobs. Economic and financial markets need regulation; religious and ethnic conflicts are brooding regional wars; environment is deteriorating; human right is at stake.

That’s why non-state actors have been mushrooming over the decades. IMF was founded to stabilize international exchange rates and facilitate development; WTO aims at supervising and liberalizing international trade, and World Bank, at reducing poverty. The United Nations, on the other hand, aims at facilitating cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, social progress, human rights, and the achieving of world peace.

Besides performing their duties, these institutions also established rules and regulations member states have to observe, which, in one way or another, is asking sovereign states to give in. Compared to transnational economic and cultural activities, however, the role of non-states actors is limited.

In the vast disarray of economic transaction and mobility, some countries willingly give up some power for economic interests, while others are forced to renounce partial economic sovereignty to participate in globalization. The euro, for example, not just requires a relinquishment of EU members’ right to issue their own currency; it is also taking away their economic sovereignty in national fiscal and financial management.

That’s why a new form. of globalism dogma is gaining momentum. It argues that the development of global market limited the state’s ability in decision making, rendering it powerless in making economic, financial and social policies. The result of globalization is the decline of sovereign states. The role of government will be reduced from the coordinator of the society to a court clerk, who can do nothing but to record what’s happening.

The role of sovereign states

Sadly, this theory only discusses the role economy and science play in shaping reality, which gives us a distorted picture. The truth, however, is far more complicated. Politics, for example, is critical in shaping the prospect of globalization and economic integration. It was for politics, that Venezuela nationalized it oil industry, sacrificing economic interests for political leverage; that’s also the reason Iran and North Korea have been yeaning for nuclear power over the decades. Google’s attempt to use its economic and technological power to influence Chinese politics, on the other hand, turned useless.

Despite tumultuous changes, international system will remain stable in nature. Sovereign states will still be the main actors in the course of globalization; conflicts, coordination and cooperation among states that center on national security will remain to be the main source of contemporary world politics.

First, it’s the sovereign states that have the final say over their economic positions. The governments decide to open wide to the international community or to stay isolated for national security. How far they will go in applying the international free and open economic principle is of vital importance to the process of globalization, which means absolute economic integration sans frontiers is still a remote dream.

Even if economic integration is realized, it does not necessarily mean political integration. In the foreseeable future, national states are indispensible in safeguarding people’s welfare and security, retaining group status and identity, and keeping culture diversity, though much of their performances are far from perfect.

What’s more, national states are and will still be the main protector and promoter of human rights, a common target of western mainstream critics. Absolute freedom means absolute chaos; a freedom without the protection of a government is not set to last. No other institutions or a group of institutions have better resources than a government in protecting human rights. If a government is not doing well enough, we can urge it to change, not to replace it.

To put it briefly, national state is set to stay. And national security will still be at the core of all governmental behaviors in shaping political, economic and cultural events. Is national security outdated? Well, ask the president.

大纲：

引入

1.  Openness and isolation, Nationalism and globalization 许多国家在如何选择中不知所措

2         人们大肆宣扬全球化的好处

3  在全球化的冲击下，许多民族国家主权被侵蚀

正文

描述目前趋势，民族国家主权被侵蚀

1 非国家行为体迅速增多，作用显著增大 

                               1. 经济发展和调控 IMF，stabilizing international exchange rates and facilitating development

WTO, to supervise and liberalize international trade.

World bank, to reduce poverty

                               2. Public interests   UN

stated aims are facilitating cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, social progress, human rights, and the achieving of world peace. The UN was founded in 1945 after World War II to

2. 大量跨国经济，科技，文化活动

                     一是国家为了自身利益而主动让渡部分权力。

二是为参与全球化而被迫放弃部分经济主权。

欧元出现不仅仅是成员国货币发行权的出让，更包括国家财政、金融管理等方面在内的一系列经济主权放弃。

一些裁决权让渡给了国际经济组织，

对国家财政影响最大的莫过于跨国税费逃避

3. 国内事务和国际事务的传统区分逐渐模糊局部丧失

3. 攻击：          1.  决定globalization and economic integration的前景的不仅有经济，技术因素，还有政治因素，民族国家对跨国经济的政策： 开放，保守          例子： 委内瑞拉石油国有化，对大美打石油牌

                                           伊朗和朝鲜研发核武器

                                           Google妄图影响中国政治，只能无功而返

                  2.   开不开放经济，多大程度上开放，都是由政府决定的，国家主权仍是主角                    

3.   经济一体化还包括劳动力绝对自由流动，目前还没达到

4. 退一步讲，e 1不意味着 p1， 国家仍是人的 安全，福利，表征，群体认同，价值观念，文化的基石  国家保护人权

Are we threatened or protected by nuclear weapon?

Greed and fear, the darkest and deepest side of human nature, is not simply directing our lives as individuals in the world, but also how governments and international institutions behave in times of peace and war. This is especially the case when it comes to nuclear issues. Each and every country craves for nuclear power for the purpose of self-protection, gaining diplomatic leverage and in some extreme cases, controlling and manipulating other nations.

Yet, the catastrophe in Hiroshima and Nagasaki appalled the world, turning people’s deepest fear into reality. The grinding pain of Japanese men and women urged the world to cooperate and sign treaties, notably the NPT, to ensure that everyone restrain from using this deadly weapon to start a war where there’s no winners.

That painful experience was, however, half a century ago. In today’s bustling world, where business and profits are the order of the day, the suffering of our previous generation is unwittingly translated into hard data and boring facts in history text books, while the feeling is hardly felt by anyone below sixty. Slowly, our fear towards nuclear weapon turned into greed. And that’s how the trouble turned unsettling.

What Nuclear Means to Us

Nuclear weapon, the most deadly technology in the 20^th century, has irreversibly changed the pattern of modern international politics. It is qualitatively more destructive, and quantitatively different from any previous weapon. With its surprising range of fire, speed and hit probability, this weapon can surmount all three traditional barriers, namely, time, space, and conventional army, and turn any country into dust within a flash. Sovereign states found it impossible to guard against nuclear danger with their current defense measures, and whether owning nuclear technology became a matter of life or death.

As the gap between the nuclear powers and non-nuclear states widens, weak nations, especially those under long-term threat by superpowers, are keen to get one. Up to now, beside the five officially recognized nuclear powers-America，Russia, Britain, France and China-India, Pakistan, and Israel are the new owners. North Korea and Iran are eager to join the list, creating nuclear crisis that worried the world.

The spread of nuclear technology is one reason; the demand of the weak states for self-protection is another. As the potential destructivity of war skyrocketed, non-nuclear allies of the nuclear power begin to doubt the willingness of their bigger brother to help in times of danger. Thus, treaties become less binding; the mood to own nuclear weapon on their own grows prevailing.

The hazard ahead

For the weak and troubling countries like Iran, who are oppressed by the western society and eager to gain a diplomatic leverage, nuclear weapon is the best choice. Combined with religious extremism and potential terrorism, these countries and regions are more likely to rush into danger, the outcome of which is due to be catastrophic. 

The necessity of reducing the danger to the minimum seems, then, inevitable. That’s why president Obama was so eager to outline his nuclear-free dream in Prague in April. His vision was not, however, without criticism. Denuclearization tends to leave the world safe for the sorts of mass conventional warfare that has consumed the first half of the 20^th century. Margaret Thatcher, for example, believed that “Without far greater trust and confidence between East and West than exists at present, a world without nuclear weapons would be less stable and more dangerous for all of us”.

This argument, though reasonably appealing, is too luxurious for us to afford. Nuclear weapon is simply too dangerous for us to control; once triggered, the existence of mankind and the entire earth will be under threat. Keeping the nuclear balance forever, on the other hand, is wistful thinking--terrorists, religious extremists, and desperate regimes, willing to risk everything on a single throw, will become dangerous nuclear owners. If such high-sounding peace advocate as the United States has exploded atomic bombs, on what grounds can we count on the guys used to putting on suicidal bombs on themselves?  

We have to act, together.

The Chinese character of martial art武(wu)is made up of two parts: 止(zhi), which means to stop, and 戈(ge), which means fighting. The ancient Chinese wisdom embedded in the little character is plain and simple, yet surprising to most contemporary eyes—the ultimate purpose of weapon and martial art is to stop fighting. If nuclear weapons, instead of fulfilling the duty of guarding peace, pose more threat to human existence, then the raison d’être of this tool should be brought under serious doubt.

Fortunately, deadly consequences of nuclear weapons forced more and more people to realize that if mankind refuses to limit their ability of killing each other, catastrophe is due to end the world all together. We have to act, together.

The first question to ask is what to do. In theory, the key to prevent nuclear proliferation is to diminish the demand, to reduce greed and fear. The non-nuclear states should be sober-minded enough to understand that they, instead of the nuclear power, are in the safest place. Only non-nuclear nations enjoy the right of not being attacked or threatened by nuclear forces, and they should stay that way. For India, Pakistan, Israel and others, joining NPT is the best way of assuring the world and their neighbors.

In practice, things are more complicated and problematic. In the effort to cut down nuclear weapons, national interest gets in the way. Regional conflicts, ideological and religious confrontations, and the superpower’s oppression of the weaker states, are always intertwined with the nuclear issue. To resolve the former issue in a more peaceful way, through negotiations and international institutions, still helps.

Are we threatened or protected by nuclear weapon?

引入（三段）

主题阐述What Nuclear Means to Us

1. 指出与常规武器的区别，特点，危害性，毁灭性打击

2. 现状：拥有核武器的国家增多

        扩散原因： 核工艺传播，核国家的同盟次要伙伴，受强国压迫的弱国有需求，     冲突局部化

The hazard ahead

3. 限制，消减的必要性； 无核化可能导致回到常规武器的冲突上，例如二战，但是消除战争的根本途径是交流合作，提高道德水平，不是武器的问题。控制核武是因为它太危险了，一旦爆发不可收拾，恐怖主义，极端宗教分子，孤注一掷的政权都是核武最危险的主人

The benefit of not having nuclear

4. 如何防止核武器扩散

理论上，使无核国际保持无核状态，制止核扩散行为，防止核扩散体制，消减对弱国的敌对态度，解决国际争端的体制

实践上，争取打过达成并保持一致，确立有效的核查核扩散行为的国际体制，制裁措施，谈判，和平解决有关国际对抗核冲突。

The long haul it takes

Mr. Obama acknowledged that his nuclear-free vision may not be realized in his lifetime. Skeptics would add his children’s lifetime too.

"Give me my daily breath,"
Through half a sob,
Until untimely death
Shall end my job.

                                               Robert Service

Poverty, with its sorrow and pain, haunted human history like ghost. Contrast to the stunning development of global economy, poverty seems to have stubbornly taken root. You see it in the eyes of malnourished children in desperate Africa, in the shabby slums of the prosperous New York City, and in the numerous construction cites in China where thousands of migrant workers lucky enough to get the dangerous jobs are sweating under the scorching sun while millions of others are out of work.

What should be done? Political rhetoric ranging from the United Nations to governments of all levels urged governments to take up the gauntlet and act. But the complexity of this issue and discouraging outcome of their previous efforts compelled decision makers across the world to ponder, are we heading towards the wrong direction, or are we simply not doing enough? Is more really better?

The roots of poverty

The first question, and maybe the hardest one, is what caused poverty in the first place. Before the industrial revolution, low productivity was the root of all evil. However, the emergence of new and fancy technologies, though multiplied agricultural productions, still failed to assuage the hungry and the desperate. What’s worse, the problem of poverty became ever more complicated.

Amid passionate debates, economists and socialists are popping up numerous theories for the roots of contemporary poverty. To summarize, there are roughly two basic views: that poverty is caused by objective circumstances or subjective laziness. Personal reasons aside, the first to blame is the government—unfairness in distribution, corruption, discriminating policies that barred the disadvantaged from opportunities, economic crisis, and unemployment, to name just a few. Regional conflicts, economic sanctions and suppression by the super power, which prevent Darfur, North Korea and Cuba from self-development, also have their role to play. 

Decision makers across the globe have been racking their brains to tackle the poverty conundrum. Some countries, notably China, have performed extraordinarily well. Others, including the United States, are still suffering from the headache. Basically, there are three measures to use—free and prosperous economy, governmental policies and non-governmental organizations.

Economy alone seems not up to the job；it widens the gap between the rich and the poor, suffering equality in the name of efficiency. In the wake of the worst financial crisis in peace time, people’s trust on it is especially limited. NGOs are good attempts, but still too weak and too small. Governments, is seems, remain to be the main force in tackling poverty. 

The hazards of big government

Classical economists are always suspicious of the government’s role. Depicted as an uncontrollable monster, the government, they argued, should be limited in power, lest the market efficiency be undermined by its bulky and arbitrary handling. Government was, then, given the role of a night keeper, while the invisible hand of the market is allocating capital and resources to the utmost efficiency.

This Laisser-faire approach towards economy was, however, lopsided in design. High efficiency doesn’t necessarily mean fairness; in fact, they are counterproductive in most cases. The polarization between the rich and poor brought about by this theory caused inequality, unemployment, social resentment, and above all, poverty.

From cradle to grave, the promise of a welfare society

It seems, then, the invisible hand of market can not just solve it all. “Behind the invisible hand of markets, there is the visible hand of politics, which establishes the rules and conditions in which the market mechanism operates.” George Soros, the financial crocodile says. He looks at economy not as the abstract construct that is governed by timelessly valid laws, but as a branch of history, where the role of government is vital.

That’s why the concept of welfare states, spearheaded by Bismarck, Gladstone and Disraeli, took off. Many western countries started to use the transference of payment plans to counter the threat of socialism. Welfare economists believe that governments are responsible for providing public goods, sustaining the stability of macro-economy, reducing externalities of economy, fighting against monopoly, adjust distribution of income and wealth, provide information, and regulate the stock markets.

After the Industrial Revolution, citizens in many Western European and American countries enjoyed the benefits of retirement pensions, old-age medical insurance, housing subsidies for the poor, and unemployment subsidies. This vast social security network proves to have protected the weak and the poor.

Misunderstanding

One prevailing misunderstanding is that since poverty means lack of food and clothing, this can be solved simply by giving money to the poor. That’s what most governments are doing, offering the poor subsidies or food tokens in large numbers.

In fact, this is the typical “give him a fish or teach him fishing” scenario. It’s always harder to choose the latter, which, in this case, means building infrastructure and boosting the economy to create an environment in which they can find jobs, and providing education and training so that they can make money on their own. That’s why not only should the government do more to help the poor, they should do it in a better and smarter fashion.

大纲：

前三段 引入

       描写贫困的悲惨和问题的严重性

       政府应该做的更多吗？

首先要找到贫困的根源

Causes:    Productivity, scarcity (before industrial revolution) 物质资源问题

          Regional conflicts—war consume the country’s resources, e.g. Darfur 

          Politics  e.g. North Korea, Cuba, under America’s sanction

                  Unfairness in distribution (corruption)

                  Discriminating policies (political barriers to opportunities)

其次 来看解决贫困的方法

Measures: economic freedom

                  Government policies

                  NGO

事实证明政府是主力军

政府的职责是什麽

看法一：古典经济认为，政府要充当守夜人的角色，不能过度干预经济

         缺点： 公平缺失，市场不灵 贫困问题无法解决

看法二： 福利经济学派， 主张干预经济

From cradle to grave, the promise of a welfare society

提高效率  

       针对垄断       鼓励竞争 反托拉斯法 放松管制

       针对外部性     干预市场 发污染法 反烟尘法令

           公共品     鼓励有益的活动 建造灯塔 公共教育

促进公平

        收入再分配    税，收入支持，转移支付计划

促进宏观经济增长

Misunderstanding

不仅要经济补助，还要做其他工作

授人以渔 授人以鱼的区别